One after another, for four days, the testimonies for Donald J. Trump poured out.

“God spared his life,” Franklin Graham, the evangelist, proclaimed.

“Divine intervention” saved his father from the assassin’s bullet, Eric Trump said.

Ben Carson, the former secretary of housing and urban development, said that when he saw his friend “escape death by mere inches” his thoughts “immediately turned to the book of Isaiah, which says, ‘No weapon formed against you shall prosper.’”

And Mr. Trump himself said at the Republican National Convention, “I felt very safe because I had God on my side.”

As many in the audience nodded and cried in the darkness, the message was unmistakable. Even as his speech was criticized by many for its divisive tone and length, for these believers, Mr. Trump appears supernaturally anointed, an embodiment of God’s blessing.

This extraordinary week capped the rising and unreserved expression of Christianity in Republican politics, along with the changes the Trump movement has wrought for American Christianity itself. This fusion of Christian fervor and Republican politics reflects a shift that has intensified in response to an increasingly secular and pluralist country, and fractured many evangelical churches and families.

And for many, it’s fueling their staunch support for Mr. Trump to retake the White House in November, even as he pulls back on some of their longstanding social goals.

Only eight years ago, during the 2016 presidential campaign, many conservative Christians supported Mr. Trump pragmatically, for his promises to nominate conservative Supreme Court justices who would end abortion rights. He earned favor for his promise that Christians would have power in America.

And they did. Even after his loss in 2020, a segment of Christians on the far right became emboldened, calling for the end of the separation of church and state. At the same time, the rituals of Christian worship became embedded in Republican rallies.

Now this key constituency sees in Mr. Trump a new, very real story of salvation, not just for himself, but for the country.

The feeling of being saved — spiritually, economically, culturally — is a powerful force driving the former president’s support, even after his convictions and civil penalties, including the order to pay $83.3 million for defaming the writer E. Jean Carroll after she accused him of rape.

The assassination attempt last Saturday only pumped up the idea of divine intervention in Mr. Trump’s ascent.

On Fox News and in prayer breakfasts, supporters pointed out that the bullet was fired at 6:11 p.m., and pointed to the biblical verse Ephesians 6:11, which says, “Put on the full armor of God, so that you can take your stand against the devil’s schemes.”

Sean Feucht, a right-wing worship leader from California, led a prayer call on Sunday night and put a diagram up on the Zoom screen of where he said the bullet could have hit Mr. Trump had his head been tilted differently. “We were less than one inch away from an entirely different future for America,” he said.

When Mr. Trump stood and pumped his fist, blood on his face — shouting, “Fight!” — Mr. Feucht described feeling a new sort of power.

“That’s the America that, like, I’ve read about! Watching ‘The Patriot’ movie with Mel Gibson!” he said, referring to the actor who went on to produce “The Passion of the Christ.”

“I felt like in the spirit it was recapturing this warrior kind of thing that we must recapture in our nation,” he added.

God saved not just Trump, but also a nation last week, explained William Wolfe, executive director for the Center for Baptist Leadership, who was a deputy assistant secretary of defense in the Trump administration.

“I do hope that Christians in America can recognize what time it is, how serious this is, and they can put aside whatever differences they do have with Donald Trump in terms of policy,” he said, even as he noted his own criticisms of the recent Republican shifts backing away from abortion and defining marriage as between one man and one woman.

He saw God’s providence in Mr. Trump’s survival but also hoped the near-death experience would encourage Mr. Trump to turn completely to God. “At a moment when there is increasing secularization, there’s I’d say an increasing abandonment of our Christian commitments,” he said. “I think it would have a very positive impact on the political discourse and the body politic of America.”

To the former president’s supporters, the narrative of divine protection has tangible effects in real-world policy. They see the advances he made for their cause and want them to continue, on everything from religious freedom to the Supreme Court.

John Yep, who leads Catholics for Catholics and is organizing “Masses for Trump” across the country, sees a divine blessing on Trump’s policy views, specifically immigration.

“That position saved his life,” he said. Just as the gun fired, he added, Mr. Trump “was turning to read the screen on immigration stats.”

The former president would make the same argument three days later on the convention stage.

Mr. Yep said he sees the election not so much as a choice between two persons, but between two systems. While “Trump represents the traditional American way of life,” Democrats represent “neo-Marxism” and government control over sexuality for minors, he said.

“This country, remember, is founded on, there is a higher power above the U.S. Constitution,” he said. “We report to God.”

The story of Mr. Trump being under attack has particular resonance for Christians in Mr. Trump’s movement, who see themselves fighting back against an increasingly secularizing society.

Robert Jeffress, pastor of First Baptist Dallas and an early supporter of Mr. Trump, said he saw echoes of the assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan in 1981. God spared Reagan’s life, he said, to “fulfill a unique purpose,” which was “to break the stranglehold the Soviet Empire, the evil empire, had on the world.”

Now, he said, some Christians see the assassination attempt against Mr. Trump as “divine intervention” that could allow the former president “to return our nation to its Judeo-Christian foundation.”

Jackson Lahmeyer, pastor of Sheridan Church in Tulsa, Okla., started a network of “patriot pastors” for Mr. Trump. He now feels, he said, even more motivated to mobilize voters, and worked with Ryan Walters, the state superintendent in Oklahoma, to direct all public schools to teach the Bible.

In that work, he said, he saw the fate of the country — not just in spiritual terms but in politics as well.

There could be a revival or a time of darkness, he said. “Our efforts literally could take the nation in either direction.”